China since Tiananmen: From Deng Xiaoping to Hu Jintao (Cambridge Modern China Series)
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In this edition of his path-breaking analysis of political and social change in China since the crackdown in Tiananmen Square in 1989, Joseph Fewsmith traces developments since 2001. These include the continuing reforms during the final years of Jiang Zemin's premiership and Hu Jintao's succession in 2002. Here the author also considers social trends and how Chinese citizens are starting to have a significant influence on government policies. As Fewsmith - a highly regarded political scientist and a seasoned China-watcher - observes, China is a very different place since Tiananmen Square. In the interim, it has emerged from isolation to become one of the most significant players on the world stage. This book explains the forces that have shaped China since Tiananmen.
struggle for dominance – the first of several – came when a Politburo meeting on February 12, 1992, under obvious pressure from Deng, decided to relay the content of Deng’s talks orally only to cadres at or above the ministerial, provincial, and army ranks.62 This limited dissemination of Deng’s views reflected a pattern that would hold throughout most of the spring: namely, yielding to pressure from Deng (thereby sidestepping direct confrontation) but doing so only as little as possible (in the
the basis of “fairness, equal sovereignty, common interest, and cooperation.”62 If America succeeds in its global ambitions, he warned, “the world will enter into a dark and chaotic age.”63 The biggest obstacle to the realization of US ambitions is China.64 In his opinion, it does not matter what type of policy China adopts internally (i.e., whether it supports human rights or becomes a democracy), since US policy will not change; the United States simply does not want to see a “strong, unified,
clarify property rights are engaged in a type of “institutional fetishism” that will prematurely close off important institutional innovations and curtail economic democracy. Cui places great weight on the role of institutions both in changing individual behavior and in supporting ideals: “Human nature is not immutable.”58 Put in more general terms, Cui’s work argues that China should not pursue single-mindedly the neoliberal economic model of the West – not only because significant questions
point and then spread out to the far reaches of the globe but now is coming together again. Li Shenzhi, “Bian tongyi, hedongxi,” p. 826. P1: SJT 9780521866934c04 CUUK1178/Fewsmith 9780521866934 June 9, 2008 22:16 The enlightenment tradition under challenge 137 the time had come for political reform to catch up to economic reform. Li’s essay was pegged to the just-completed Fifteenth Party Congress, the most liberal in Party history, which had endorsed the “continued promotion of
strengths of nationalism without incurring its weaknesses.70 Yin Baoyun (from Beijing University) argued that nationalism was a vital component of economic development but that many Third-World countries had encountered difficulties because they emphasized culturalism, racism, 69 70 For instance, Wang Yizhou’s article, “Minzu zhuyi gainian de xiandai sikao” (Contemporary reflections on the concept of nationalism) is a solid academic discussion of nationalism without any effort to tout Chinese