Lenin's Electoral Strategy from 1907 to the October Revolution of 1917: The Ballot, the Streets_or Both
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This book is the first full-length study of Lenin's party building project and writings on elections, looking in detail at his leadership of the Bolshevik wing of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in the four state Dumas from 1906 to the beginning of the First World War.
them understand what “the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry” means, should give some thought to this! For Lenin, the contrasts between the speeches of Storchak and Berezovsky and the proposals they presented—Storchak submitted the same one the peasant deputies did in the earlier session—could not have been more instructive. They gave lie to the Menshevik claim that an alliance with the Cadets was needed for Russia’s bourgeois revolution: “[C]lassconscious
the name of democracy in vain”—a thread that ran through almost all his interventions leading up to the elections.7 This obligation applied not just to the Cadets, because “for Marxists, the main task in the election campaign is to explain to the people the nature of the various political parties, what views are advocated and who advocates them, what are the real and vital interests behind each party, which classes of society shelter behind each party label.”8 As for the nuts and bolts of the
“Let us know as soon as possible about the daily paper. What will be the size? What length of article can be sent?” Unbeknownst to Lenin—testimony to the shaky relations he had with the editorial board—the date of his inquiry, April 22, is when the first issue of Pravda [Truth] appeared. For complicated legal reasons, Zvezda had to cease operations on that date and the new paper became the legal daily envisioned at the Prague Conference.28 The extant regular correspondence with the editorial
Commune exists in the annals of Marxism—the product of two decades of research, writing, and lecturing The “Great War,” 1917, and Beyond 117 on the topic. In the subsequent debate with Kamenev and other Bolsheviks in defense of his theses, Lenin was even clearer: “The parliamentary bourgeois republic hampers and stifles the independent political life of the masses, their direct participation in the democratic organization of the life of the state from the bottom up. The opposite is the case
revolution, but it will be more difficult for Russia than for the European countries to continue the revolution and bring it to its consummation.”112 Yes, he could “assure foreign communists” that doing parliamentary work in Russia was “quite unlike the usual West European parliamentary campaigns. From this the conclusion is often drawn: ‘Well, that was in Russia, in our country parliamentarianism is different.’ This is a false conclusion. Communists, adherents of the Third International in all